Two Revolutions occurred that fundamentally altered the course of the history of the West. The American Revolution and the Revolutions of 1848. But, while there are some similarities, there are many start differences that explained how they forget the modern-day mindset of Europe and the United States.

One is the difference between the leaders. In the American Revolution, the leaders were upper middle class aristocrats, while in the Revolutions of 1848, the leaders were mainly lower class masses.

This brings up the biggest difference between the two. While the American Revolution was centered around the idea of the good of the individual, the Revolutions of 1848 were centered around the idea of the good of the collective. This is ultimately shown in the cultural mindset that has developed since then; while the American mindset is one of placing the individual over the collective, the European mindset is one of placing the collective over the individual.

This is most shown in the constitutions. In the United Bill of Rights, the common theme is centered around the individual. In Europe, the European Bill of Rights is centered around the collective.

A second difference that explains the difference between the individuality mentality of America and the collectivist mentality of Europe is the background. While in America, the concern was rights, in Europe, it was things around the lines of “we are starving and we want food.”

But now 1848 may finally be coming to America. And when it does, a great clash will occur that will fundamentally alter the sociopolitical spectrum of the United States forever.

 

 

I was longing for purchasing a P30 pro yet all of a sudden on fifteenth May 2019, Donald Trump messaged me through a press conference session not to buy that since the USA has given a sanction over it. With my messed up heart, I began researching about it. Google says they will stretch out their support to Huawei however not up to Update to the old gadgets and not also going to help the recently developed devices. While Huawei has said about their back plans in this case.

 

Be that as it may, Mr. CEO of Huawei doesn’t mind of the assent as it’s the second driving portable organization of the world with 54.2 million clients. USA president declared that he needs 5G in the USA soon however not from China. Huawei is the leading Chinese brand in the world market. This worldwide brand has been blamed for intercession in insurance of National Security of USA. Yet, the circumstances predict to some degree extraordinary. Huawei and ZTE are working for creating 5G arrange whereas AT&T has concocted counterfeit 5G in iPhone naming 5GE. Here E represents Evolution.

 

The floor of Data Communication is currently in a war zone where China and South Korea have been propelled creating 5G and the USA is attempting to give a boycott. Whoever wins the race, The nations can add 500 Billion Dollar to their GDP giving employment to 3 million individuals.

 

As Mr. Donald Trump comprehends he won’t win the race by breaking down reports From MIT, SLASH GEAR And CNN so he hits up the organizations attempting to approach with 5G.

 

In the event that we ever consider 5G, it will be so strong which will have an information correspondence rate inside 0.001 Millisecond which is multiple four hundred times quicker than 4G.

 

In the event that China can give 5G the entire information security will be under China Who can lead the future, however, White House never wants that to occur. This 5G will interconnect every one of the gadgets of the reality where China will be the leading Service supplier with the collaboration of Huawei.

 

In any case, sorry to learn, USA is currently a long ways behind from China and as per specialists trust, USA will lose the war. MIT innovation survey reports, “China is racing ahead in 5G.”

 

The clients would now be able to download a film in just 3.6 seconds utilizing 5G. In the event that this happens, the USA can never think of their financial administration. Along these lines, its time for Donald Trump to stop China and Huawei by snare or by the convict.

 

How about we see where this war closes however we can be a guarantee of a superior world utilizing 5G associated through IOT. Thus, It’s our choice whether we are going to purchase Huawei or not. In any case, I am prepared to have a buy of P30.

In conflict resolution, Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) play a crucial role between the states. CBMs help create a conducive environment for resolution of conflictual issues. They, however, are not direct means of conflict resolution. The efficacy of CBMs is not limited to a rival state’s military affairs but it encompasses a broad range of areas ranging from social to cultural contacts to economic affairs between the states. They are a tool to augment the level of confidence and trust between the rival states (Zulfqar, 2013). In the modern day world, CBMs are a broadly acknowledged concept which includes an extensive variety of measures including economic, political and military arenas.  According to the commonly held belief, CBMs initiated during 1970s in Europe in backdrop of confrontations between the West and the East. However, the process of CBMs was already in practice in various different parts of the world but it was not characterized necessarily as such.

For example, CBMs were practiced in the South Asian region since the partition of the Indian sub-continent. The cases in point can be traced from 1949 with the Karachi Agreement in 1949, the pact between Liaquat and Nehru in 1950 known as Liaquat-Nehru Pact, the Indo-Pak Border Ground Rules Agreement in 1960, the Indus Water Treaty (IWT) in 1960 which is said to have remained intact even during wars, the Tashkent Declaration in 1966 which was signed under the good office provided by the USSR and the Simla Agreement in 1972 (Salik, 2010). Zulfqar (2013) adds to this and argues that CBMs are not a new phenomenon between India and Pakistan. Pakistan and India signed various agreements between them to resolve their bilateral problems which they inherited from the partition. She quotes all the events as quoted by Salik (2010) and adds the Rann of Kutch Agreement of 1966 to the list of CBMs between India and Pakistan. She further argues that the terminology of CBMs was not applied to the agreements between the two before Brasstracks Crisis in 1987 which added nuclear dimension in the relationship between India and Pakistan (Zulfqar, 2013).

Confidence Building Measures between Pakistan and India

There are different types of CBMs between the two arch-rival neighboring countries – India and Pakistan. These CBMs can be differentiated in atmospheric and military and nuclear related CBMs.

The Military and Nuclear Related CBMs

According to Micheal Krepon, Co-founder of Stimson Center, the military and nuclear related CBMs between India and Pakistan can be differentiated in three categories: Constraint Measures, Communication Measures and Transparency Measures (Zulfar, 2013).

1. Constraint Measures:

The Constraint Measures may encompass: routine inspection to show compliance with agreements, establishment of demilitarized zones between states and abstaining from military activities (more of skirmishes) in bordering areas between the states. In order to establish a nuclear restraint regime with its neighboring rival India, Pakistan has been putting efforts in this context even before the overt nuclearization of both countries. Pakistan has proposed various proposals over the years including mutual acceptance of safeguards by International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), signing of Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1967 simultaneously, creation of nuclear weapon free zone, signing of regional test ban treaty, bilateral inspection of each other’s nuclear facilities and joint declaration to renounce development of nuclear weapons. However, none of these proposals could succeed to get India’s affirmation. Moreover, in 1998, Pakistan proposed establishment of a Strategic Restraint Regime in the region to avoid the risk of nuclear war between the two nuclear powers. It was renewed in 2001 during disarmament conference in Geneva. Like previous proposals, this could also not materialize.

2. Communication Measures:

Communication measures would include creating communication among political decision-makers of the states in conflict and the establishment of hotlines is the most effective arrangement for conflict resolution or crisis management purposes. In 1971, hotline between the Director Generals of Military Operations (DGMOs) of Pakistan and India was established and it was decided after the 1990 crisis that the hotline will be used on weekly basis between the DGMOs of both the countries. Besides this, a new hotline was created between the foreign secretaries of Pakistan and India in 2004. It has been observed that hotlines between the two countries remain satisfactorily functional only during the peacetime but during crisis they remain dysfunctional. However, it remained functional during Kargil Conflict in 1999 and the border confrontation in 2001-02 and it remained dysfunctional during Brasstracks in 1988.

3. Transparency Measures:

Transparency measures encompass presence of foreign observers at military exercises, strength of armed forces, arms transfers and arms production, exchange information of military expenditures, verification measures and prior notification of military maneuvers encompassing their extent and scope. In 1988, an agreement was signed between India and Pakistan on prohibition of attack on nuclear facilities and installations. The agreement was ratified in 1991 and in the following year it was implemented. Irrespective of their state relationship, both states would exchange lists of their nuclear facilities and installations. In addition to this, two agreements were signed in 1991 and 1992 which included firstly, advance notice of troops movements, military maneuvers and exercises and secondly, permitting landing of military aircraft, permitting over flight and prevention of space violations.

Atmospheric CBMs

According to Micheal Krepon, atmospheric CBMs are useful in indicating readiness to relations after a severe crisis. They are informal in nature and do not include complex implementation procedures unlike military and nuclear CBMs which require political capital investment by the national leaders of the states. These CBMs can be reciprocal and unilateral. Some examples of atmospheric CBMs will be people to people contacts, humanitarian assistance during natural disasters, cultural exchanges and release of fisherman or political prisoners. Atmospheric CBMs between India and Pakistan were practised during SAARC Summit-2004 in which both countries reached to Composite Dialogue which included discussion of eight areas including Kashmir, Nuclear CBMs, Siachen issue, Terrorism, Sir Creek et cetra. After this composite dialogue sports links were resorted, bus and train services were started and people to people contacts were initiated. Additionally, in 2007, some progress was also made on Nuclear CBMs which agreed to reduce accident risks related to nuclear weapons. An initiative was also taken on antiterrorism institutional mechanism fronts.  

Other than these two categories of CBMS, there are also economic CBMs between India and Pakistan.

Economic CBMs

A new category dealing with investment and trade, economic CBMs have been introduced between Pakistan and India. The prospects of having good economic relations with India have been discussed in Pakistan since the year 2012. A number of CBMs have been initiated over the years beginning with the granting of Most Favoured Nation (MFN) to India (yet not granted), easing non-tariff barriers and opening investment doors and increasing customs cooperation between the two countries. However, India granted Pakistan MFN status in 1996 but it withdrew it in February, 2019 after the Pulwama Attack in Indian Occupied Kashmir.

The Confidence building Measures (CBMs) initiatives between India and Pakistan

The CBMs initiatives between India and Pakistan include pacts, ceasefire agreements, efforts and initiatives, joint commissions and statements, Dialogues and Composite Dialogues (Effendi & Choudhry, 2016).

There have been two ceasefire agreements between India and Pakistan. The first one was of 1949 and the second one took place in 2003. Some of the pacts between India and Pakistan include Liaquat-Nehru Pact of 1950 which was signed to protect rights of migrated minorities  in both countries, Indus Water Treaty (IWT) 1960 to share river waters between the countries, Tashkent Declaration 1965 which was signed to concluded 17-day war, Simla Agreement 1972 signed for the settlement of post-fall of Dacca situation. Hotline between DGMOs was also part of this agreement. Some of the Joint Commissions and Statements include 1982 joint commission which was established to strengthen bilateral relations, joint statement on nuclear issues in 2004, joint statements on drug trafficking, economic cooperation and terrorism in 2004, Delhi joint statement in 2005, 2005 joint statement to start bus service from Amritsar India to Nankana Sahib in Pakistan. Some of the initiatives and efforts encompass 1959 offer by Ayub for Joint Defence against the threat from North i.e. China in wake of 1959 Tibet insurrection by China which Nehru rejected, peace plan of 1964 which could not be materialized because of Nehru’s death in 1964, 1976 Smajhota bus Service between Lahore and Amritsar, 1981 no-war pact offered by Pakistan but it was rejected by India because Simla agreement was already a no war pact. There have also been many other efforts and initiatives between India and Pakistan (Zulfqar, 2013; Effendi & Choudhry, 2016).

Despite all these Confidence building measures between India and Pakistan, the relations between the two are far from normalization. Both India and Pakistan have to come together for the regional stability as well as prosperity. The issue of Kashmir is a long awaited dispute between the two which should be resolved as per the UN resolution of 1948 which declared that the future of Kashmir would be decided by the people of Kashmir through free and fair plebiscite. Therefore, India and Pakistan have to take steps to resolve this long awaited dispute. They have to come together for a better future of people of the region as war breads hatred and seeds of hatred ruin the generations.

Human life is meaningless without a peaceful society, as we say we are social beings. Religion is one of the major factors of a man’s life but not the only. It is natural that everyone has his own opinion to lead his life, it is basic right also. Religious views give you the mental strength and inspiration of doing good works. It is not the thing that make you different from others, but make you able to mix up with others in a good way.

In Sri Lanka explosions, many of people blame Muslims for such attacks, as they are affected at Christchurch before. As a result, Muslims are attacked by many extremist Sri Lankans. Is this right? We all know terrorism has no religion. But everytime whenever we get chances to blame a particular community, we start to attack them physically and mentally. I think it is one kind of blame game by the wicked people of the world.

I think the word “Dumb” represents us best. We do not stand against a thing strongly until we are effected by it. It is a wiseman saying, “Prevention is better than cure.” But we are not serious about prevent terrorism in our society. As a result, after some days massive destructions happened and we mourned for some days and finally we forget. This is the chain what we do. It will be more better, if we stand strongly against terrorism in the society stopping the blame game. Terrorist groups are using people from our society. So, the people of a conscious society can not involve in such works.

No religion support misdeeds. A strong follower of a religion will not do any harmful thing for the society. Blaming religion for attacks is meaningless. This is no matter that you are progressive or conservative, you ethical strength matters. Right practice of religion will make you stronger in moral values. Because religions are the way of leading one’s life in correct way.

It is our world and we are the saviour of our community, our society, our country and our mother world. Young leaders can play a great role in this field. So, it is high time, we should stay united from our region to our religion.

After the toppled of Saddam regime in 2003, the Bush administration policy has decided to create new system for Iraq on the primes comprehensive action as called “ethnic power sharing” in this system the multi-ethnics of Iraq have been accommodated on the based equality of distribution of power between the prominent ethnics of Kurds, Shia, and Sunni.  

Post-collapse of the Iraqi regime, the Shia ethic-majority gradually dominated over the statue of the Iraqi system simultaneously Sunni became decline beside. Shia began revival after the cleric decision of Said Ali Al-Sistani’s (prominent Iraqi Shia leader cleric) when he proclaimed for the participation of Shia proudly in 2005 parliamentary election, so they became a block to win the election successfully to get the majority of sets which they succeed easily. In order to the Shia won the parliamentary election soon they have taken the prominent Iraqi posts like a prime minister. When the Al-Maliki came to power in 2006 the sectarianism chaos speared across the country during the all his eight-years of term presidency in Anbar, Salahadin, Tikrit, and Mosul provinces.   

Nouri Al-Maliki suitably could restore the stability for Iraq with relied on the US, Kurds, and Iran as part of his policy to disarm Sunni and Shia militias in Baghdad, because he believed that Iraq should be cleaned from the factions of militias to keep military and security sectors professionally. Then AL-Maliki step by step has started to transform Iraqi political statue to one-party rule and also he applied the policy of Sunni ethnic cleansing in Baghdad, for instance, the Sunni Baghdadi populations in 2003 were about 45%  but in 2007 they became declined-ethnic in the city which was about 25% due to his sectarianism policy ethnicity.

With this Shia momentum the institutions of court, police, and military became corrupted prominently and the nominations of candidates just allowed Shia affiliation minds to administer the posts while Sunni deprived publicly, in order to the majority of Sunni stuffed in the cities of Al-Anbar, Al-Salahadin, and Mosul, during that time Sunni peoples thought like powerless minority and they sought for power to protect them safely from the Shia institutions- elimination trend so this is the only reason ISIS controlled these geographic lands easily in 2014 as part Sunni views for ISIS as rescuer and shelter.

After the defeated of Iraqi military system in front of the ISIS-black momentum, Al- Sistani again declared another sensitive fatwa for Shia peoples in Iraq to protect themselves security on based sectarian rather than nation, due to this cleric-decision Iran was glade-eye to involve eagerly to form Hashed Shabi militias with training and new weapons and then Hashed Shabi became de facto after defeated of Iraqi army system and John Kerry’s plan to form national guards to fight ISIS. The national guards plan on the one hand was a plan to collect all the Iraqi divers’ ethnicity to fight ISIS and on other hands to reconstruct the Iraqi military and security sectors on based non-discrimination of Iraqi security between various ethnics Kurds, Sunni, and Shia to become one strong hand. Although the Iraqi parliament passed the law of establishment of national guards but then failed to approve because it was impossible to make the common agreement between all the different ethnic aspirations.    

Hashed AL-Shabi is an Iraqi military organization which includes “40” types of militias with features of different ethnics like Sunni Muslim, Christian, and Yazidi deployed in different regions of Iraq under the Shia ideology umbrella. The purpose of creation of this militia unity in Iraq belonged to the eradication of ISIS which they assaulted Iraq in 2014 to launch their Caliph-state. Now the popular mobilization forces have their own salaries and ranks and they are considering as a part of Iraqi military sector when Haider al-Abadi former prime minister allocated necessary services for them.  

Despite the liberation of Iraq under the black claw of ISIS, these militias have accused in charging of illegal and extensive crime in Iraq like the provocation of sectarianism, smuggling of oil wheels, selling of drugs, and their affiliations to dominate Iranian influence over Iraq. This military organization wants to maintain in Iraq permanently as a secret of model Iranian revolutionary guards and this brings deform of security and military sectors meanwhile militarization of Iraq state if they will not be dissolved soon.  

Recently the Iraqi sovereignty faced some declined waves after the external intentional intervention by regional and international powers, so in order to Iraq now is considering as “hybrid state”  which means that Iraq has no active institutions like other states to protect its sovereign legitimacy from the integrated territorial concept to the security and civilian rights concepts. There is not only the hybrid state phenomenon model in Iraq but also there is the same model of the state in Syria and Libya and Yemen. For instance Iraq now suffers one of the most dangerous webs of fall which not allow Iraq to rescue itself from the constant of failed state like, lack of democracy, useless of elections to change power, the highest level of corruptions, lack of security, hopeless of Iraqi populations, the weak of institutions ability to apply their duties powerfully and the rise of non-state actors in particular armed groups to separate Iraqi integrity.

At last, Iraqi state life with popular mobilization forces “Hashed Shabi” will conclude with this equation, the militia organization networks dominate over the military and security systems gradually, the declination of Iraqi centrality due to sectarianism waves, the constitution does not provide Iraqi nationality rights otherwise will provide custom laws inequality and the aspiration of other ethnics to separate from the Iraqi Shia state for example, Kurds and Sunni do not look Iraqi state as adherence national government rather they look like only Shia provider state.  

Here are some branches of Shia militias in Iraq

  1. Saraya Al-salam / Sadrist
  2. Badr-Corps-military wing the Badr Organization
  3. Kata’ib Iraqi Hezbollah –
  4. Asa’ib Ahl- Haq
  5.  Kata’ib Sayyid al-Shuhad
  6. Kata’ib Hezbollah Al- Nujaba

Every person has an individual identity. Every person has an ideological stand. Every person has a different way of thinking. Every person has something that make him different than others. But it is true that we all think that whole world is thinking like us. And that is the start of injustice in our society.

Powerful sides of the world think that every people of the country thinks like them and they start to establish their thoughts in their country. Is it human nature? I don’t know. But I think if the ill-fated populations are powerful, they will do the same thing. Selflessness is now like a daydream. So, there was a small number of people, like, Hazrat Muhammad (SM), Gautam Buddha who work really selflessly. That’s why, they are the makers of the paths that we follow. We can’t deny that now-a-days humanitarians also has some intention for developing their situation. No one is selfless now.

Lawmakers see their own sake too. So, the thing which we say justice, is the reflection of lawmaker’s intention. They are not always thinking about you. You are in a chain. A developed country has a well educated society and practice of democracy make the development sustainable. But in developing and underdeveloped countries are lagging behind in education sector. Government don’t think about their education seriously not always. Because if the people become well educated, they will not able to establish their strong position in power. I think this is one of the major problems of spreading injustice in the society. It should be solved early for a better future.

I think if we know how injustice comes in our society, we will able to establish justice in our society. Proper justice is harmful for ruling the people. That’s why, the proverb came “Justice delayed, justice denied.” Our strong stand will eradicate injustice from our loving world. It is badly needed now. We should believe that we are different, no one is like me but our world will more peaceful, if we work together. This is the truth and the truth is beauty.

The concept of self-determination is  a vexing but significant topic in the field of human rights. It is the idea of government by the consent of the governed eternally memorialized in the soaring prose of President Thomas Jefferson in America’s Declaration of Independence. Self-determination which enjoys universal support is celebrated in the United Nations Charter, in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and in the United Nations General Assembly resolutions. Article I of the United Nations Charter enshrines as a major purpose the development of friendly relations among nations based on respect for the “principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples.” Self-determination was a central creed of President Woodrow Wilson’s famous Fourteen Points to end World War I. Self-determination was also the libretto of India in obtaining independence from Great Britain. And as regards Kashmir, self-determination is expressly embraced in United Nations Security Council resolutions as the international law formula for determining the status of the disputed territory.

Kashmir’s legal and moral case for self-determination is equal or greater than that of the United States when it declared independence in 1776 with a population of but 3-4 million. The American grievances against King George III were but trifles compared to the human rights inferno which afflicts Kashmir. The Declaration of Independence protests the maintenance of standing armies, the obstruction of beneficent laws, the denial of trial by jury, and for making the military superior to the civil power. Kashmiris, in contrast, suffer from those same grievances, plus the gruesome human rights violations perpetrated by the Indian army. The people of Kashmir are resisting India’s iron‑fisted military rule to vindicate their international law and fundamental collective human right to self‑determination.  On that score, they are indistinguishable from Kosovar Albanians or East Timorese or Southern Sudanese, all of whom received international assistance to end their human rights suffering and to determine their own political destiny.

Kashmir, a former princely state under the suzerainty of the British raj, achieved independence on August 15, 1947, when Britain renounced its dominion over the territory.  On that date, Kashmir had neither opted for accession to India or accession to Pakistan, and was under no legal obligation to relinquish its independence.  India did not then argue that Kashmir was indispensable for its national or economic security.  Indeed, India championed a resolution in the United Nations Security Council in 1948 mandating a plebiscite in Kashmir conducted by the United Nations to determine its future sovereignty.

It is apparent from the record of the Security Council that India articulated the principle, accepted the practical shape the Security Council gave to it and freely participated in negotiations regarding the modalities involved. However, when developments inside the State of Jammu & Kashmir made her doubt her chances of winning the plebiscite, she changed her stand and pleaded that she was no longer bound by the agreement. Of course, she deployed ample arguments to justify the somersault. But even though the arguments were of a legal or quasi-legal nature, she rejected a reference to the World Court to pronounce on their merits. This is how the dispute became frozen with calamitous consequences for Kashmir most of all, with heavy cost for Pakistan and with none too happy results for India itself.

The time for deceptions is gone. All that is needed is going back — yes, going back — to the point of agreement which historically existed beyond doubt between India and Pakistan and jointly resolving to retrieve it with such modifications as are necessitated by the passage of time. That point of agreement is the one India as well as Pakistan, each independently, brought to the United Nations Security Council when the Kashmir dispute was first internationalized. In fact, the Security Council itself took that point as the basis of the resolutions it later formulated. The point was one of inescapable principle- — that the future status of the State of Jammu and Kashmir shall be decided by the will of the people of the State as impartially ascertained in conditions free from coercion. The two elements of a peaceful settlement thus were, first, the demilitarization of the State (i.e. the withdrawal of the forces of both India and Pakistan) and a plebiscite supervised by the United Nations.

Now, what is urgently needed is an assertion by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Prime Minister Imran Khan of the necessity of taking new measures to effect the settlement of the dispute within a reasonable time frame. To that end, India and Pakistan must together prepare a plan for the demilitarization of the State with safeguards for security worked out together. Confidence that a real peace process is being launched between India, Pakistan and the Kashmiri leadership would be inspired by the ending of repressive measures within the Indian-Occupied area by both the federal and the state authorities. If sincerity is brought to the process in place of cheap trickery, the dawn of peace will glow as never before over the region of South Asia and beyond.

Polarity can be defined as the number of powerful or dominant states in global or regional systems. It is the method of distribution of power in international system. The world has remained unipolar since the end of the Cold War in 1991, however, it is believed that it can not remain unipolar for long. There are other powers emerging in the international arena that are challenging US hegemony. We can consider the post World War II system as entering the third phase of polarity. The Cold War period (1947-1991) was characterized as bipolarity with US on one side and Soviet Union on the other. However, the fall of Soviet Union in 1991 caused the emergence of unipolarity, with US as the sole powercenter, also referred to as Pax Americana.

But, entering third phase does not mean that US has lost its status of superpower, though there are other powers emerging on the scene, playing an essential role in US declining influence. Powers like Russia and China are seeking to increase their influence on a global scale, while other states are trying to emphasize their influence regionally. Fareed Zakaria also argued that we are living in an era of a third great power shift entering into a multipolar world. He further argues that this great power shift is caused by what is called the “rise of the rest”. The rise of the rest of the rest is the phrase used for the powers outside of the West particularly the BRICS, which constitutes for 30 percent of the global territory and 45 percent of global population. It consisted of 15 percent of global economy and 42 percent of global currency reserves, at the time when it was formed in 2005.

But what does this shift mean for the world peace? Will it bring stability or instability? Whether the emerging multipolar world will be conflictual or cooperative? It is seen from the historical and documented evidence that multipolarity is an inherently unstable system. As the other states are increasing their influence, it is creating unrest in the US, which in turn is trying to counter this rise in order to maintain its hegemony. US considers China’s “peaceful” rise as the most crucial threat to its unipolarity. China’s policy is rooted in the belief of peacefully annexing other states through huge economic influence e.g.. the Belt and Road Initiative, as the trend of militarily occupying the states territory has been over.

China was the world’s second largest economy in the world in 2010, measured in purchasing power (⅔ of the number of US). It is estimated that it could reach to the level of US economy by 2027. This will then lead towards the rise of a bi-multipolar world, with US and China being the major powers, however there are other powers as well who are trying to get to the status of hegemon e.g. India, Brazil, and maybe EU. This will then lead towards multipolarity, a multipolarity that won’t be as peaceful as it seems.

There are numerous reasons for why we consider that multipolarity is inherently unstable. In the contemporary world, states are increasingly interested in making alliances or coalitions, but even in those alliances there individual national interests that prevail over their collective interests. States often go against their alliances’ decisions or viewpoints if they contradict with their own interests. In short, states pursue their own national interests instead of the interests of all, leading towards misunderstandings and mismanagement, and consequently the emergence of conflict. Incidents like 9/11 attacks and the policies adopted in their aftermath shows that even the US is not able to handle each and every situation on its own, instead it would have to incorporate other states in dealing with them. Hence, alliances are an important phenomena of the emerging multipolar system, and occurrence of conflict in those alliances is inevitable.

Furthermore, in the contemporary world, we can not ignore the impacts of the presence of nuclear weapons. There are some who believe that nuclear weapons lead towards stability due to their capability of “deterrence”. But, it is more acceptable and logical to believe that nuclear weapons are the source of insecurity in especially the multipolar system, where more than one state possess such lethal weapons. Why? Because the neorealism’s concept of “security dilemma” demonstrate that the possession of nuclear weapons by one state, even for the purpose of its own security, create insecurity in the other states which in turn seek their own nuclear weapons, as evidenced by the historical events. The current system of distribution not only enables the great powers, but also the middle and small powers to develop capabilities that could potentially threaten the world peace and security. So, in this view, the world would be more conflictual or unstable as it would be facing two challenges simultaneously; a multipolar world as well as nuclear weapons.
The Power Transition Theory also advocate this view.

It considers the presence of a hegemon, with dictating the rules and regulations of the world, as a guarantee to peace. Whereas, on the contrary, many states with equal power to alter the system proves hazardous to the international peace, as there would be more states competing for hegemony and ruling the world according to their own views. Hence, power transition theory promotes the view that a multipolar world will indeed be conflictual one, with multiple states struggling and competing to ensure their own superiority. Multipolar world with more than two power centers would prove unstable because there are increasing probabilities of the breakout of conflict or war between the potential candidates of the world’s hegemon.
However, discussing multipolarity over here does not mean that a multipolar world has emerged, and US unipolarity has diminished. US is still the world’s leading power, however, the problem is that it would not be able to maintain this position for long. As others powers are consistently pursuing a position of countering US hegemony. US influence is declining, which it would make sure to maintain at any cost. This then has the propensity to lead towards a number of conflicts, as we can still see in the US role in Asia and Middle East.

INTRODUCTION

The cyberspace is a relatively recent addition to the strategic sphere, let alone the world in general. For centuries, the battlefield had two dimensions: land and sea. Just over a century ago, a third dimension – the air – was added. This allowed us to project force across previously unimagined distances. Before the end of the century, a new paradigm was established, with the emergence of a fourth dimension: the cyberspace.

Where air power enabled force projection across borders at much greater distances, cyber warfare has transcended the physical altogether, enabling users to attack anything anywhere, from anywhere, in real time. Further, its implications are far wider than any other means of warfare. It can attack something as simple as communications, or something as advanced and intricate as economic ties.

This gives cyber warfare an unparalleled edge in conflict as well as society: nothing, apart from a book and mail by courier, can be safe from it. Given the volatile and ubiquitous nature of cyberspace, this paper will argue that cyber warfare favors the offense over defense.

THE ROLE OF CYBER WARFARE

The literature on the nature and merits of cyber warfare is somewhat limited, as the concept entered the strategic canon only recently. However, it has quickly risen to prominence and pushed the boundaries of the conventional battlefield. Using the term warfare immediately conjures images of armed conflict, but the cyberspace has obscured these archaic definitions. The cyberspace expands conflict into the civilian sphere like no other combat revolution ever has.

To answer the research question, this paper will first devote a subsection to important definitions pertaining to the issue at hand. It will consider two important terms: cyberspace and cyber warfare.

DEFINITIONS

Cyberspace. In essence, the term refers to the ‘world’ created by the connections in our ever-growing web of devices – computers, phones, servers, and hard-drives, to mention some. This world is dominated by the transfer of data, pertaining to anything known to man. [1] Kuehl (2009) concurs: it is an information environment framed by the use of independent and inter-connected electronic devices. [2]

Cyber Warfare. Taddeo (2012) defines it as warfare using Information and Communication Technology (ICTs), waged in the information domain, against both the physical and the abstract. [3] Carr (2012) offers a much more concise approach: “Cyber warfare is the art and science of fighting without fighting; of defeating an opponent without spilling their blood.” [4] We can divide Cyber Warfare into three main components: mechanical attacks, electromagnetic attacks, and digital attacks. [5] This highlights the versatility of Cyber Warfare, which is important: it can physically debilitate enemy systems,  deprive them of the electricity required to operate them or send signals, as well as directly intervene in the digital process of the systems.

Discussing motivations is also an important aspect of determining whether offense or defense is favored, for one or the other is usually the intention of the attack. This paper will argue that these motivations will play the most important role in determining the attack, no matter what the results are, as motivations will determine the nature of the attack. The offense is intended to attack and debilitate an adversary’s assets, whereas defense is intended to protect your own. [6]

OFFENSIVE CYBERWEAPONS

Liles et al. (2012) divide cyber attacks into three categories – mechanical, electromagnetic, and digital – that can all be for offensive purposes. There is a clear conceptual argument that favors the offense, especially using the above classifications: attack costs less than defense. It is easier to devise attacks on all three levels than it is to mount a defense against an unknown array of attack methods. [7] As such, there can be offensive favor in cyber warfare. [8]

A Weapon for the Weak. Lindsay (2013) argues that cyber warfare is inherently offensive in nature. According to him, cyber weapons are the weapons of the materially weak, and thus provides them an opportunity to strike at their adversaries with great force without facing them on a conventional battlefield. [9] As such, he argues it holds the same appeal as terrorist strategies: attack a more powerful target with an impact beyond simply the material. The cyberspace is ubiquitous, and thus readily available to a far larger extent than any traditional weapon. As such, it is a popular weapon among the materially weaker forces, be they states or other actors. This builds on Krepinevich’s argument; the number of actors that can use cyber weapons makes it even harder to defend oneself.

Liff (2012) gives two reasons why offense is favored: the cost is lower (Krepinevich 2012; Lindsay 2013), and time-frame. [10] Cyber attacks can circumvent the military altogether, and strike at civilian targets, while still inflicting significant damage that must be addressed. This is the equivalent of London having no air defenses during the Blitz – a civilian target, indeed, but the damage would have been near irreparable. Further, cyber attacks offer an element of surprise previously unheard of; we can now strike in mere seconds. [11] Despite defense systems relying on much of the same technology, anticipating and defending against such time-frames is a herculean task indeed.

DEFENSIVE CYBERWEAPONS

Where cyber attacks that do not necessarily debilitate enemy systems can serve offensive purposes, they can also serve defensive purposes. Krepinevich (2012) outlines three main weaknesses regarding cyber weapon defense: single-point-of-failure systems, ‘monoculture’, and global supply chains. [12] The former pertains to weak points in computer systems that risk impacting the entire system once compromised. [13] The ‘monoculture’ refers to, for instance, the prevalence of operating systems and software; when over 80% of the world relies on an OS or software, compromizing it becomes significantly easier. [14] Lastly, global supply chains pose a risk when individual countries, for instance, supply parts to most of the world. This gives them an opportunity to modify the product to build back-doors, argues Krepinevich. [15] This puts the defense at a disadvantage.

Canabarro and Borne (2013) disagree, attributing an advantage to defensive cyberweapons and warfare. They attribute this benefit to the vast array of different information systems that exist; it is difficult to devise uniform cyber attack methods that apply to all of these systems. [16] This contradicts arguments made by writers such as Krepinevich (2012), who asserts that it is the other way around: there are vast arrays of attacks and uniformity in design. Canabarro and Borne, however, make an important point in that not only do many different systems indeed exist, but they also learn: once an attack has happened, its repeatability is largely eliminated. [17] This suddenly shifts costs onto the offensive actors, that must continuously develop new forms of cyber weapons and attacks.

Cyberspace changes continuously, and this often mistakenly leads to an assumption that attackers gain the advantage of devising ever new methods of attack. This is true, but also for defense, that develops new methods of defending (Libicki 2014). He argues that offensive improvement is not a given when it is defensive systems that define what they can do. As such, defensive cyberwar acquires an advantage in determining the form of ‘battle’. [18]

DISCUSSION

Cyber warfare has become such a defining issue because it violates all strategic paradigms humanity has developed over its history. The cyberspace is an abstract space, and so ‘warfare’ in it is purely technical and, in large part, a theoretical matter. Our previous military strategies and the great minds that conceived them were formed over decades and centuries, as technology steadily progressed. In the case of cyber warfare, however, we have not had time to firmly establish a solid paradigm because as soon as one is formed, reality has changed.

Conventional warfare can be explained in rather simplistic terms: the superior side will win. ‘Superiority’ may entail many things, but it can be attained. When discussing the cyberspace, however, one must appreciate the fact that, whatever is done by any actor, there will always be someone at least equally proficient out there that can circumvent or bypass any implemented measure. Further, airpower began blurring the line between civilian and military targets. Cyberspace, however, eliminates the difference entirely – while the military and civilian worlds use it differently, there is only one cyberspace, and attacking it will likely have far-spread consequences.

Liles et al. (2012) argue that the offensive-defensive line is so blurred in the case of cyber warfare, that it is a useless concept to apply to the topic. [19] In line with Robinson et al. (2015), I beg to differ. There are clear examples of defensive cyber-units running exercises with a clear us-vs-them composition. [20] Broadly speaking, I agree with this because there is a clear conceptual difference between launching a cyber attack against enemy assets, and implementing protective measures for your own. As such, one can claim it potentially favors one strategy over another.

The above does, however, touch upon what I believe is part of Liles et al’s. (2012) argument: the reasons for offensive and defensive action can be blurred. In 1967, Israel launched preemptive airstrikes against Egypt, the reason being self-defense in the face of a coming attack. Is this offensive or defensive action? It can likewise be difficult to distinguish in cyber warfare. Intelligence operations are a previously mentioned example of offensive cyber warfare. These invasive operations are, outside of wartime, used to collect information to gain a better image of the world. This motivation is certainly not offensive, yet the action is.  

Liff (2012) argues that they can quickly become marginal. Cyber warfare will only truly favor the offense in a coercive diplomatic situation wherein there is an approximately equal balance of power. [21] A negligible power that threatens a superpower with cyber attacks will achieve little, as there is little conventional force behind them. While vulnerabilities certainly exist, they are often quickly identified and rectified. [22] As such, a cyber attack is the first strike, and if it is followed by nothing, then much of its advantage disappears. This does not necessarily favor the defense, but it lessens the advantage of offensive cyber weapons.

Cavelty (2014) also argues for both offensive and defensive merits of cyber warfare, as states are quite simply investing more and more in it. [23] This can give an edge to whoever invests more resources, though can also lead to the argument of this paper: it favors no one. These investments are in both offensive and defensive capabilities, as one cannot develop striking capabilities without also developing a defense against the strikes of others. The state-level world has been hijacked by a virtual arms race that does not give a clear edge to any actor, nor any particular capability.

One could also argue that cyber warfare favors no one, due to its ubiquitous and volatile nature. Today we rely on electronics for almost everything: generating information, storing information, transferring information, treating information, and analyzing information. This means that we need to defend this system (the cyberspace) just like one would physically guard material goods (ledgers, money, other valuables). This means that both sides have developed offensive and defensive methods from the beginning, which does not really give either one any particular advantage over the other.

CONCLUSIONS

The cyberspace is owned by no one, but it can be manipulated by those with enough technical clout. This can be exploited to mount a vast array of attacks against any target, anywhere, within seconds of launch. The only physical attack that could replicate the surprise effect of such cyber attacks is a punch, which, in the grand scheme, would be of negligible significance.

This gives cyber offenses the first-strike advantage that defensive systems struggle to keep up with. While intrusions can be dealt with rapidly, it is much more difficult to altogether prevent them. As such, while it may not be as immense as many would argue, there remains a clear advantage for the offensive side when it comes to cyber weapons.

The mobility of offensive cyberwar is often overstated, however (Libicki 2014). As such, it should be tempered with a bit of caution: both sides rely on the same cyberspace that remains incredibly volatile. While offensive methods gain an advantage in unpredictability, the defense remains an also moving target, decreasing the seemingly immense offensive advantage.

 

REFERENCES

[1] Lance Strate, “The varieties of cyberspace: Problems in definition and delimitation,” Western Journal of Communication 63, no. 3 (1999): 382 – 383.

[2] Daniel T. Kuehl, “From Cyberspace to Cyberpower: Defining the Problem,” in Cyberpower and Cybersecurity, ed. Franklin D. Kramer, Stuart H. Starr, and Larry K. Wentz (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009): 24 – 28.

[3] Mariarosaria Taddeo, “Information Warfare: A Philosophical Perspective,” Philosophy & Technology 25, no. 1 (2012): 105 – 107.

[4] Jeffrey Carr, Inside Cyber Warfare: Mapping the Cyber Underworld, 2nd ed. (Sebastopol: O’Reilly Media, Inc., 2012). 2.

[5] Samuel Liles, J. Eric Dietz, Marcus Rogers, and Dean Larson, “Applying Traditional Military Principles to Cyber Warfare,” NATO 4th International Conference on Cyber Conflict, 2012, available at: https://ieeexplore.ieee.org/document/6243973 (Accessed December 1, 2018).

[6] Diego R. Canabarro and Thiego Borne, “Reflections of the Fog of (Cyber)War,” National Center for Digital Government, 2013, https://www.umass.edu/digitalcenter/sites/default/files/FogofCyberWar.pdf (Accessed December 3, 2018). 9.

[7] Andrew F. Krepinevich, “Cyber Warfare: A “Nuclear Option”?” Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessment, 2012, https://csbaonline.org/research/publications/cyber-warfare-a-nuclear-option (Accessed November 30, 2018). 16.

[8] Jack Goldsmith, “The New Vulnerability,” The New Republic, June 7, 2010, https://newrepublic.com/article/75262/the-new-vulnerability (Accessed December 2, 2018).

[9] John R. Lindsay, “Stuxnet and the Limits of Cyber Warfare.” Security Studies 22, no. 3 (2013): 375 – 377.

[10] Adam P. Liff, “Cyberwar: A New ‘Absolute Weapon’? The Proliferation of Cyberwarfare Capabilities and Interstate War,” Journal of Strategic Studies 35, no. 3 (2012): 415.   

[11] Ibid. 415 – 416.

[12] Krepinevich, “Cyber Warfare: A “Nuclear Option”?” 39 – 42.

[13] Ibid. 39 – 40.

[14] Ibid. 40 – 41.

[15] Ibid. 41 – 42.

[16] Diego R. Canabarro and Thiago Borne, “Reflections on the Fog of (Cyber)War,” National Center for Digital Government, 2013, https://www.umass.edu/digitalcenter/sites/default/files/FogofCyberWar.pdf (Accessed December 3, 2018). 9.

[17] Ibid. 9.

[18] Martin C. Libicki, “Why Cyber War Will Not and Should Not Have Its Grand Strategist,” Strategic Studies Quarterly 8, no. 1 (2014): 32 – 33.

[19] Samuel Liles, J. Eric Dietz, Marcus Rogers, and Dean Larson, “Applying traditional military principles to cyber warfare,” 4th International Conference on Cyber Conflict, 2012, https://ieeexplore.ieee.org/abstract/document/6243973 (Accessed November 30, 2018). 176.

[20] Michael Robinson, Kevin Jones, and Helge Janicke, “Cyber warfare: Issue and challenges,” Computers & Security 49 (2015): 82 – 84.

[21] Adam P. Liff, “Cyberwar: A New ‘Absolute Weapon’? The Proliferation of Cyberwarfare Capabilities and Interstate War,” Journal of Strategic Studies 35, no. 3 (2012): 417.

[22] Ibid. 415 – 416.

[23] Myriam D. Cavelty, “Breaking the Cyber-Security Dilemma: Aligning Security Needs and Removing Vulnerabilities,” Science and Engineering Ethics 20, no. 3 (2014): 701 – 715.

Image Credit: McCabe, Karen. “Global, Open Standards for Cyber Security.” November 6, 2014. https://beyondstandards.ieee.org/cybersecurity/global-open-standards-for-cyber-security/.

Washington – On 18th December 2018 President Donald Trump announced the US withdrawal from Syria. Since then, the debate was going on that whether US would fulfill its promise or not.  But the twist in on and off policy of US will lead towards more serious issues, and to the question that What would be Syria’s future after the troops left?

“American decision will bring a positive change”, some would say. Others argue that US is going to face a serious setback after that. As leaving the Syrian territory will lead towards anarchy and other potential hegemons will come up to fill that void. Thinking that they drive out Islamic State from the last silver of territory, would be a great mistake for Americans. Because they might lose the territory or decline in their numbers but vacuum will help them to rise again.  The other non-state actors could also rise and lead towards instability in Syria.

American lack in coherent policies enhances rationality, which also give opportunity to American rivals to achieve their interest in Syria. Like Iran and Russia which are continuously backing Assad’s regime would increase their influence, to counter which; was US main objective of intervening. American Exit will not only affect Syria but also outturn its regional policies. The main contention point between US and Turkey are Kurds which America is backing since the beginning, and it’s exit will leave them defenseless. Turkey tried to counter the Kurds which is against US interest; also it could bring Turkey as a potential hegemon in the region which undermine the American’s policy of global dominance. It also gives the negative image to US Arab allies and America’s key allies are gradually losing faith in their long term ally as Donald Trump’s isolationist policies are gaining momentum.

All these issues are becoming a hurdle for America in achieving “Safe Zone” agreement before leaving to reach a cooperative agreement. Every state has its own interest, and nobody is willing to jeopardize them.

This decision could not only have consequences on regional level but as well as on global level. Some think that it might portray America’s image as a fragile state and a sense of betrayal in its allies. Others think that it shows US as a proponent of peace. But the question arises, that noting all these factors, will US change its decision of exit as it did in Afghanistan and decided to stay afterwards?

In February, Trump changed his decision of abrupt withdrawal to the end of April or the beginning of May, and agreed to do it in phases. At first 1000 troops are going to exit from Northeast side. Then military is going to assess the situation and gradually remove troops after every six months. This pause is another shift in Trump’s policy; it will give him time to take his European allies in confidence about his decision, which previously denied withdrawing their troops.

“This is not the end of fight against ISIS”, American special envoy to Syria told the reporters, “we are going to fight but in different ways”.

Now wait for what more shifts and turn, we will have to see in American’s policy, and the change it is going to bring with it. Whether this exit becomes a success story or it’s going to add a black page in American policies.

 

By Musfirah Rashid